Martyr Dhirendranath Datta

My tribute to the forgotten Harbinger of the Bengali language movement

By M. Waheeduzzaman Manik

Introduction

Once Pakistan became a reality on August 14, 1947, the unresolved language controversy continued to surface during the early months of independent Pakistan. The Central Government of Pakistan had already started the unilateral use of "Urdu" in money order forms, postal stamps, currencies and coins, railway tickets, and official letterheads and forms even without formally adopting "Urdu" as the "only" State language of Pakistan. The rejection of Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan by the unilateral imposition of Urdu as the "only" State language had spawned the feeling of distrust and discontent among the student community of East Bengal. Even the common people of East Bengal started speculating on the motives of the anti-Bengali Pakistani ruling elite.

The Bengali Language Movement in the then East Bengal took place in several distinct phases in the early years of Pakistan. The formative phase of that historic movement took place in two stages: the first stage of the formative phase of the Bengali language movement started immediately before and after the emergence of Pakistan on August 14, 1947, and the second stage took place in the early months of 1948.

The language movement at both of the stages of the formative phase was not a mass uprising by any standard. Yet, those initial reactions against the imposition of Urdu as the only State language of Pakistan had prepared the progressive forces of East Bengal to launch an effective Bengali language movement in early 1952. The restive student community and the intelligentsia in the formative phase of the language movement were able to garner more mass support throughout the then East Bengal for making Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan.

Although the ferocity of the formative phase of the Bengali language movement waned during the years between the middle of 1948 and early January 1952, the Bengali language activists and the progressive political forces had remained vigilant against the ulterior design of the anti-Bengali political elite of the Central Government and the pro-Urdu provincial Government of the then East Bengal.

The final phase of the Bengali language movement began in early 1952 after Khwaja Nazimuddin, the Prime Minister of the then Pakistan and a lifelong anti-Bengali collaborator, declared in a public meeting at Paltan Maidan on January 26, 1952, that "Urdu would be the only State language of Pakistan." There is no doubt that his provocative speech can be singled out as the immediate cause of the 1952 phase of the Bengali language movement. Yet, any credible assessment of the organized efforts toward establishing Bengali as a State language of Pakistan would add credence to the fact that the language protests and demonstrations in the early years of Pakistan had a clear bearing on the extent and magnitude of the historic Bengali language movement in 1952.

The Bengali Language Movement was not the making of any single individual or a political party. Many student leaders spearheaded the language movement in all of its phases. Although the marginal roles of some of the participants of the language movement have often been magnified through systematic distortions, exaggerations, manipulations and invented memories, there had been ample opportunity in those turbulent early years of Pakistan for many patriots for participating in that defining struggle for establishing Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan.

Indeed, there were many actors who were involved in the making of different phases of the Bengali Language Movement in East Bengal (East Pakistan, now Bangladesh). Of those genuine language activists, Dhirendranath Datta’s (1886-1971) name can be singled out as the illustrious forerunner (Agrapathik) of the Bengali language movement for establishing Bangla (Bengali) as one of the State languages of Pakistan. Indeed, he was the harbinger (Agradoot) of the Bengali language movement in the early years of Pakistan.

Although he was not one of the language martyrs of the 1952 phase of the Bengali language movement, he was a martyr (Shaheed) of the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971. Dhirendranath Datta made history on February 25, 1948 by demanding Bengali to be recognized as one of the State languages of Pakistan even though his amendment was a proposal for adopting Bengali as one the official languages of the CAP.

The main purpose of this paper is to underscore Shaheed Dhirendranath Datta’s defining role in the formative phase of the Bengali language movement. The serious paucity of literature on the life and struggle Dhirendranath Datta makes such an assessment of the significance of his historic role in the making of the formative phase of the Bengali Language Movement more relevant.

Since Shaheed Dhirendranath Datta has thus far remained a forgotten hero, an appraisal of his pivotal role in the making of the formative phase of the historic language movement is a befitting tribute to the most neglected harbinger of the Bengali language movement on a day or in a month of the celebration of the immortal 21st February.

Although a brief appraisal of the saliency, significance, and poignancy of Dhirendranath Datta’s historic speech on February 25, 1948 at the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan (CAP) in support of his landmark amendment for making (Bengali) as one of the official languages Pakistan is the central focus of this commentary, firstly, an attempt has been made to outline the nature of the language debate that took place during the months immediately before and after the emergence of Pakistan on August 14, 1947.

Given the fact that the Bengali language movement did not begin all of a sudden in early March 1948 or on February 21, 1952, such an appraisal of the making of the formative phase of the Bengali language movement is necessary toward understanding the context and urgency of the situation within which Dhirendranath Datta felt duty bound to speak in support of his amendment for making Bangla as one of the State languages of Pakistan.

Once the context of the language issue in the early years of Pakistan is overviewed, Dhirendranath Datta’s historic speech at the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan (CAP) on February 25, 1948 in support of his amendment has been quoted in full. Although many spoke against Dhirendranath Datta’s amendment, only the views of the chief opponents (Liaquat Ali Khan and Khwaja Nazimuddin) have been briefly cited. For the purpose brevity, no attempt has been made to quote from the speeches of those opposition party members who spoke in favor of the amendment.

However, an attempt has been made to narrate the impact of Dhirendranath Datta’s speech in the making of the formative phase of the Bengali language movement in the early months of 1948. Since Dhirendranath Datta continued to be a dauntless defender of his mother language both in the Central (CAP) as well as Provincial (EBLA) legislatures in the years between 1948 and 1952, an overview of his role in the language debate in those years has also been underscored. Finally, some concluding remarks have been made with specific reference to the saliency of his defining role in the glorious Bengali language movement. .

The Roots of Bengali Language Movement: The Language Debate Immediately Before and After the Emergence of Pakistan

The roots of both the formative and the 1952 phases of the Bengali Language Movement in East Bengal can be traced back to the widespread support of the non-Bengali leaders of the All-India Muslim League (AIML) in favor of making "Urdu" as the ‘lingua franca’ of Pakistan, the emerging Muslim State.

For instance, one of the professed objectives of a 14-point Manifesto, prepared by the Central Parliamentary Board of AIML in June 1936 clearly underscored the "protection and promotion of the Urdu language and Script." The 25-point program "setting out the special needs of Bengal," drawn in the summer of 1936 by the Central Parliamentary Board of AIML, contained many of the lofty and ambitious goals. Yet, those objectives did not recognize the need for "the protection and promotion" and adoption of the Bengali language and script.

The Urdu-speaking leaders and their Bangalee collaborators of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League (BPML) also supported the idea that "Urdu should be the official language of the "Bengali Muslims."

Dr. Muhammad Shahidullah as the Defender of Bengali Language: A debate on the language issue took place in June-July 1947 between the proponents and opponents of Urdu as the "only" State language of Pakistan, a nation-state that was soon to be carved out of British India. Pursuant to Lord Mountbatten’s declaration of June 3, 1947, the creation of Pakistan through the partition of India was imminent. The Uttar Pradesh based Urdu-speaking stalwarts of the All-India Muslim League had begun mobilizing their support and resources in favor of establishing Urdu language as the lingua franca of Pakistan. For example, Dr. Ziauddin Ahmed, Vice Chancellor of Aligarh University, declared in a Conference on Urdu language that only "Urdu" deserves to be the official language of a Muslim state. However, his advocacy for Urdu did not go unchallenged.

Dr. Muhammad Shahidullah, a renowned Muslim secularist and a respected Bengali scholar, forcefully protested this discriminatory proposal. In a thought provoking article titled "Pakistaner Bhasha Shamashya" ("The Language Problem in Pakistan," published in Daily Azad, July 29, 1947), he effectively refuted the irrelevance, uselessness and unfairness of Dr. Ziauddin Ahmed’s advocacy for the imposition of Urdu as the only lingua franca of Pakistan. He emphasized that "Bengali being the mother tongue of 55% of the total population of Pakistan deserves to be the State language of the new nation. Once Bengali is being adopted as the State language, we may then deliberate on the question whether or not Urdu can also be afforded the status of one of the State languages of Pakistan."

Dr. Mohammad Shahidullah, a deeply religious person, continued to defend his mother tongue after the emergence of Pakistan, and his principled stand on the language issue during the years between 1947 and 1952, added the much needed credence and legitimacy to the Bengali language movement. He also vehemently opposed the absurd proposal of writing Bengali language in Arabic script.

He characterized the Arabization plan of the Bengali script by the Central Government of Pakistan as an external aggression against the Bengali language and culture. His vocal support for adopting Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan was crucial at that critical juncture when the Pakistani ruling elite was engaged in disseminating blatant falsehoods and conjectures about the supporters of Bengali language. His open support for Bengali during the early years of Pakistan also made it clear to the public as well as to the concerned individuals that the demand for making Bengali as one of the State languages was not at all instigated by the so-called ‘fifth columnists’ or imaginary ‘enemies of Pakistan.’

The Role of Gono Azadi League (GAL) in Mobilizing Support for Bengali Various political forces of East Bengal started mobilizing support for making "Bengali" as one of State languages of the new nation immediately before the emergence of Pakistan. In July 1947, some disgruntled Muslim Leaguers had formed the "Gono Azadi League" under the leadership of Kamruddin Ahmed. In the manifesto of this political faction, Kamruddin Ahmed, one of the pioneers of the formative phase of the Bengali language movement, forcefully emphasized that "Bangla will be our State language. All necessary steps need to be taken immediately for making Bangla language suitable for all parts of Pakistan. Bangla shall be the only official language of East Pakistan."

The Role of Democratic Youth League (DYL): The most enlightened segment of the student community of Dhaka University started to oppose various policies of the Central Government even before the year 1947 ended. Founded in Dhaka on August 5, 1947 by the leftist and progressive students of East Bengal, ‘Gonotantric Jubo League’-- the Democratic Youth League (DYL) had played a prominent role in the making of formative stage of the language movement. The DYL held a Youth Conference in Dhaka on September 6 and 7, 1947 for the determination of its future course of actions through deliberations toward the protection of the integrity of Bengali language and culture.

One of the professed resolutions of the Youth Conference urged the Central Government of Pakistan to recognize the distinctive features of the languages, literatures, and cultures of various regions of Pakistan. The issue of regional autonomy was also emphasized in the resolution. The DYL took the leadership in forging unity among the various pro-Bengali forces to build up a resistance movement against the imposition of Urdu as the only State language of Pakistan. In spite of the governmental repressive measures against the DYL in the name of eradication of "communism," the dedicated workers of the DYL were in the vanguards of both the 1948 and 1952 phases of the Bengali language movement.

The Role of Tamuddun Majlish Founded as a cultural organization in Dhaka on September 1, 1947, Tamuddun Majlish played a historic role in the defense of our mother tongue. Although the main intent of ‘Tamuddun Majlish’ was to invigorate Islamic spirit and culture among the citizens of the new nation of Pakistan, the vigorous role played by this pro-Islamic organization made it clear to the Bengali speaking Muslim population of Pakistan that the demand for adopting Bengali as one of the State languages was "not at all motivated by the anti-state elements and communists of East Bengal." Tamuddun Majlish issued on September 15, 1947, a well-written pamphlet titled "Pakistaner Rashtra Bhasha: Bangla Na Urdu?" ("Pakistan’s State Language: Bangla or Urdu?"). Among the authors of this historic booklet, Kazi Motahar Hossain, Abul Mansur Ahmed and Professor Abul Kasem (Secretary of Tamuddun Majlish) made a strong case in favor of introducing Bengali as the only language of instruction, offices and courts of East Bengal. They also forcefully articulated the demand for Bengali to be one of the State languages of Pakistan. The seminal booklet also contained a succinct proposal, authored by Abul Kasem, a lecturer in Physics of Dhaka University, in favor of Bengali language.

Given the landmark nature of the demand for recognition of Bengali, the gist of that proposal is listed as follows): "1. Bengali will be: a) the medium of instruction in East Pakistan; b) the court language of East Pakistan; and c) the official language of East Pakistan. 2. Urdu and Bengali will be the two official languages of the Central Government of Pakistan. 3. (a) Bengali will be the first language for the purpose of imparting education in East Pakistan which will be learnt by 100 percent of people; (b) Urdu may be treated as the second language or inter-wing language in East Pakistan which can be taught as a second language to those people who will be working in West Pakistan. It will be more than adequate if Urdu is learnt by only 5% to 10% of population of East Pakistan. Urdu may be taught in higher classes at the secondary school level in East Pakistan; and (c) English will be the third or international language of East Pakistan. 4. Both English and Bengali will be used for a few years as the official languages in East Pakistan" (for details, see Badruddin Umar, "Purba Banglar Bhasha Andolon o Totkaleen Rajneeti, Mowla Brothers, 1970, p. 14).

The Role of Rashtra Bhasha Shangram Parishad The Tamuddun Majlish took the lead in the formation of the first "Rashtra Bhasha Shangram Parishad" (State Language Movement Council) in October 1947 with the professed aim of providing an organized resistance against the anti-Bengali policies of the Central Government of Pakistan. Professor Abul Kasem, the General Secretary of Tamuddun Majlish, played a pivotal role in the first Rashtra Bhasha Shangram Parishad. Professor Nurul Huque Bhuiyan of Dhaka University was elected to be the Convenor of the first Rashtra Bhasha Shangram Parishad.

Both the Tamuddun Majlish and the newly formed Rashtra Bhasha Shangram Parishad were quick to lodge protest against the irresponsible proposal of Fazlur Rahman, the Central Education Minister of Pakistan, for substituting Arabic script for Bengali script. A die-hard collaborator of the anti-Bengali ruling coterie, Fazlur Rahman was also one of the champions of introducing "Urdu" as the only State language of Pakistan. Although he was himself a Bangalee from Dhaka district, he had recommended Arabic script for writing Bengali.

While his anti-Bengali stand had earned him a reputation among the anti-Bengali ruling clique, the progressive forces of East Bengal, especially the students and teachers of Dhaka University, were outraged with his shameless stand on the language issue. Professor Abul Kasem, almost a forgotten hero of the earlier phases of the Bengali language movement, provided a yeoman’s service for garnering widespread support for adopting Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan. He succeeded in enlisting support from the younger generations in general, and the teachers and students of Dhaka University and other educational institutions, in particular.

The first Rashtra Bhasha Shangram Parishad provided the needed organizational structure and coherence for launching and managing the language movement in later months of 1947 and early months of 1948. To protest the unilateral decision of the National Education Conference, held in Karachi, for recommending the adoption Urdu as the only State language of Pakistan, a public meeting was assembled at the campus of Dhaka University on December 6, 1947, under the auspices of Rashtra Bhasha Shangram Parishad, This protest meeting had attracted a large number of students, teachers from Dhaka University and other educational institutions.

While the protest meeting was presided over by Professor Abul Kasem, a number of students and teachers including Munir Choudhury, Abdur Rahman, A.K.M. Ahsan, S. Ahmed, and Farid Ahmed, the Vice President of Dhaka University Central Students’ Union (DUCSU) addressed the public meeting. The speakers discussed various aspects of the language issue and vehemently protested the conspiracy that had been hatched out by the Punjabi-Mohajir dominated Pakistani ruling coterie against the very fabric of Bengali language and culture. They urged the people of East Bengal to remain more vigilant against the frontal attack on the foundation of the Bengali cultural heritage. Finally, a resolution for adopting Bengali as one State languages of Pakistan was proposed by Farid Ahmed, the then Dacca University Students’ Union (DUCSU) Vice President (a language veteran who has essentially remained an unsung hero), and the historic resolution was unanimously approved by those in attendance.

The Role of the "Workers’ Camp": By December 1947, the progressive forces enlisted enough support among the students and intelligentsia in Dhaka for protecting Bengali language. Aimed at building resistance against the reactionary and anti-Bengali policies of the Muslim League Government, the leftist youths of the country and the disenchanted dissidents of the ruling Muslim League party organized the "Workers’ Camp" in January 1948 at Dhaka. The seven-day long Workers’ Camp was very critical about various anti-Bengali policies of the ruling Muslim League Government. The organizers of the Camp were also vocal in articulating the demand for Bengali to be one of the State languages of Pakistan.

The Role of EPSL It was on January 4, 1948 when the East Pakistan Students’ League (EPSL, an assortment of pro-Suhrawardy Muslim students of the defunct All Bengal Muslim Students’ League (ABMSL), was formed. The urgent need for vehemently protesting the anti-Bengali policies and postures of the Central Government of Pakistan hastened the formation of EPSL. It is fair to point out that soon after its emergence, EPSL played a crucial role in all of the phases (1948-’52) of the Bengali Language movement.

Dhirendranath Datta’s Historic Amendment in the Making of the 1948 Phase of the Bengali Language Movement

It is evident from the preceding that the unresolved language controversy continued to surface during early months of independent Pakistan. The rejection of Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan and the unilateral imposition of Urdu as the "only" State language of had spawned a feeling of distrust and discontent among the student community and the progressive forces of the then East Bengal.

In fact, the language issue had exposed the hidden anti-Bengal agenda of the Punjabi-Mohajir dominated central government of the new nation of Pakistan. There is a plethora of evidence to suggest that the patriotic forces of East Bengal had started mobilizing and enlisting public support for making "Bengali" as one of the State languages of Pakistan both immediately before and after August 14, 1947. There is no doubt that those initial efforts against the ulterior motives and anti-Bengali policies of the Pakistani ruling elite were not mass protests.

Yet, those protests against the imposition of Urdu as the only official language of Pakistan had not remained confined within the pages of newspapers, pamphlets, articles or statements. The movement for making Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan started taking a more concrete and volatile shape throughout the then East Bengal in the early months of 1948. There were many language activists who were in the vanguard of the formative phase of the language movement. Yet, among those, Dhirendranath Datta’s role was undoubtedly seminal in the process of jumpstarting our resistance against those anti-Bengali forces who were engaged in repudiating the rudiments of the distinctive features of Bengali language and culture through the imposition of Urdu.

Indeed, Dhirendranath Datta’s courageous speech in the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan on February 25, 1948 in favor of making Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan ignited the 1948 phase of the Bengali Language Movement.

(As I have already indicated in the introduction, Dhirendranath Datta’s speech is being cited in full. Due to limitation of space, only some relevant segments of the responses of Liaquat Ali Khan and Khwaja Nazimuddin are cited.

No correction has been made outside parenthesis excepting the word "Bengalee." For maintaining consistency of the word Bengali, I have used "Bengali" to substitute for the word "Bengalee." Dhirendranath Datta’s speech and responses to his speech have been quoted from "Shaheed Dhirendranath Datta Smarakgrantha," Edited by Anisuzzaman, Dhaka: Shaheed Dhirendranath Datta Smritiraksha Parishad, 1994, pp. 391-404).

It was on February 25, 1948 when Mr. Dhirendranath Datta, a member from Comilla, East Bengal, rose on his feet to address the President of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan (CAP), and said in no quivering voice: "Mr. President, Sir, I move: That in sub-rule (1) of rule 29, after the word ‘English’ in line 2, the words ‘or Bengalee’ be inserted. May I move the other motion as that can be considered together because that relates to the same rule?"

In response to his query, the President of CAP (Mr. M.A. Jinnah) said: "I think you take them separately and not together, you may take item No. 2 on the agenda—your first amendment." Mr. Dhirendranath Datta then asked for permission to speak in support of his amendment to Rule 29: "May I speak, Sir?" The CAP President, Mr. M.A. Jinnah said: "Yes, speak."

In a firm voice, Mr. Dhirendranath Datta started to speak: "Sir, in moving this— the motion that stands in my name--- I can assure the House that I do so not in a spirit of narrow Provincialism, but, Sir, in the spirit that this motion receives the fullest consideration at the hands of members.

I know, Sir, that Bengali is a provincial language, but, so far our state is concerned, it [Bengali] is the language of the majority of the people of the state [State of Pakistan]. So although it is a provincial language, [as] a language of the majority of the people of the state [it] stands on a different footing. Out of six crores and ninety lakhs of people of people inhabiting this State, 4 crores and 40 lakhs of people speak the Bengali language. So, Sir, what should be the State language of the State [of Pakistan]? The State language of the State [of Pakistan] should be the language which is used by the majority of the people of the State, and for that, Sir, I consider that Bengali language is a lingua franca of our State."

Comparing Pakistan’s dilemma with the language issue with that of India’s language policy, Dhirendranath Datta said: "It may be contended with a certain amount of force that even in our sister dominion [India] the provincial language have not got the status of a lingua franca because in her sister dominion of India the proceedings of the Constituent Assembly is conducted in Hindustani, Hindi or Urdu or English. It is not conducted in the Bengali language but so far as the Bengali is concerned out of 30 cores of people inhabiting that sister dominion [of India only] two and a half crores speak the Bengali language. Hindustani, Hindi or Urdu has been given an honoured place in the sister dominion [of India] because the majority of the people of the Indian Dominion speak that language. So we are to consider that in our state it is found that the majority of the people of the Indian Dominion speak that language. So we are to consider that in our State it is found that the majority of the people of the State do speak the Bengali language then Bengali should have an honoured place even in the Central Government [of Pakistan]."

Much to the chagrin of the non-Bengali as well as their anti-Bengali cohorts, Mr. Dhirendranath Datta pointed out: "I know, Sir, I voice the sentiments of the vast millions of our State[of Pakistan]. In the meantime I want to let the House Know the feelings of the vastest millions of our State. Even, Sir, in the Eastern Pakistan where the people numbering four crores and forty lakhs speak the Bengali language the common man even if he goes to a Post Office and wants to have a money order form finds that the money order is printed in Urdu language and is not printed in Bengali language or it is printed in English. A poor cultivator, who has got his son, Sir, as a student in the Dacca University and who wants to send money to him, goes to a village Post Office and he asks for a money order form, is printed in Urdu language. He can not send the money order but shall have to rush to a distant town and have this money order form translated for him and then the money order, Sir, that is necessary for his boy can be sent. The poor cultivator, Sir, sells a certain plot of land or a poor cultivator purchases a plot of land and goes to the Stamp vendor and pays him money but cannot say whether he has received the value of the money is Stamps. The value of the Stamp, Sir, is written not in Bengali but is written Urdu and English. But he can’t say, Sir, whether he has got the real value of the Stamp. These are the difficulties experienced by the common man of the State.

The language of the State should be such which can be understood by the common man of the State. The common man of the State numbering four crores and forty millions [4 crores and forty lakhs] find that the proceedings of the [Constituent] Assembly [of Pakistan] which is their mother of parliaments is being conducted in a language [Urdu], Sir which is unknown to them. Then, Sir, English has got an honoured place, Sir, in Rule 29. I know, Sir, English has got an honoured placed because of the International Character [of English]. But , Sir, if English can have an honoured place in Rule 29 that the proceedings of the [Constituent] Assembly should be conducted in Urdu or English why [then] Bengalee, which is spoken by the four crores [and] forty lakhs of people should not have an honoured place, Sir, in Rule 29 of the procedure Rules."

In his concluding remarks, Mr. Dhirendranath Datta continued to emphasize: "So, Sir, I know I am voicing the sentiments of the vast millions of our State and therefore Bengali should not be treated as a Provincial Language. It should be treated as the language of the State. And, therefore, Sir, I suggest that after the word ‘English, the words ‘Bengali’ be inserted in Rule 29. I do not wish to detain the House but I wish that the Members [of the Constituent Assembly ] present here should give a consideration to the sentiments of the vast millions of our State, Sir, and should accept the amendment [to Rule 29] that has been moved by me."

Response of the CAP Members to Dhirendranath Datta’s Amendment: Those who had scathingly and willfully attacked Dhirendranath Datta’s amendment on the House floor were as follows: Liaquat Ali Khan (the Prime Minister of Pakistan), Sardar Abdur Rab Khan Nishtar (the Central Minister for Communication), Ghaznafar Ali Khan (the Central Minister for Refugees, Relief and Rehabilitation), Khwaja Nazimuddin (the Chief Minister of East Bengal), and Alhaj Mohammed Hashim Gazder (a CAP member from Sindh). Tamizuddin Khan, a distinguished member from East Bengal and the Deputy President of the CAP also spoke against the amendment of Dhirendranath Datta on March 2, 1948 (the day on which the historic amendment was formally defeated by a voice vote on the CAP floor).

Immediately after Mr. Dhirendranath Datta’s speech, Mr. Prem Hari Barma, a member from East Bengal spoke in favor of the amendment. Once he stopped, Mr. Liaquat Ali Khan (the Hon’ble Prime Minister and Defence Minister of Pakistan) vociferously and maliciously attacked the intent and content of Dhirendranath’s amendment. Liaquat Ali Khan, a Mohajir and the Prime Minister, was elected to the CAP by the then East Bengal Legislative Assembly.

Yet, he demonstrated his innate disdain for the "Bangalee" race in general and "Bengali" language in particular when he said: "Mr. President, Sir, I listened to the Speech of the Hon’ble the Mover [Mr. Dhirendranath Datta from East Bengal] of the amendment with very care and attention. I wish the Hon’ble member had not moved his amendment and tried to create misunderstanding between the different parts of Pakistan. My honourable friend has waxed eloquent [eloquence] and stated that Bengali should really be the lingua franca of Pakistan. In other words, he does not want Bengali only to be used as a medium of _expression in this House, but he has raised indeed a very important question. He [Dhirendranath Datta] should realize that Pakistan has been created because of the demand of a hundred million Muslims in this sub-continent and the language of a hundred million Muslims is Urdu and, therefore, it is wrong for him [Dhirendranath Datta] now to try and create the situation that as the majority of the people of Pakistan belongs to one part of Pakistan, therefore, the language which is spoken there should become the State language of Pakistan. Pakistan is a Muslim State and it must have its lingua franca, the language of the Muslim nation."

Among other things, Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan also said that Pakistan "must have a State language—the language which would be used between the different parts of Pakistan for inter-provincial communications. Then, Sir, it is not only the population you have to take into consideration. There are so many other factors. Urdu can be the only language which can keep the people of East Bengal or Eastern Zone and the people of Western Zone jointed together. It is necessary for a nation to have one language and that language can be Urdu and no other language." Liaquat Ali Khan, the die-hard exponent of one nation, one state and one language policy also cast aspersion on Dhirendra Datta’s patriotism when he said: "The object of this amendment [moved by Mr. Dhirendranath Datta] is to create a rift between the people of Pakistan. The object of this amendment is to take away from the Mussalmans that unifying force that bring them together." [At that point, Mr. Dhirendranath Datta protested Liaquat Ali Khan’s downright distortions by saying: "Certainly not, that is not the intention."].

After several members spoke on the language issue, Khwaja Nazimuddin, the Chief Minister of East Bengal, took the CAP floor to oppose Dhirendranath Datta’s amendment. A life-long collaborator of the anti-Bengali forces, Khwaja Nazimuddin claimed on the CAP floor that his support for Urdu as the "only" State language of Pakistan was shared by the views of an overwhelming majority of the people of East Bengal. He said: "Sir, I feel it my duty to let the House know what the opinion of the overwhelming majority of the people of Eastern Pakistan over this question of Bengali language is. I think, there will be no contradiction if I say that as far as inter-communication between the provinces and the Centre is concerned, they [people of East Bengal] feel that Urdu is the only language that can be adopted [as the State language of Pakistan]. But there is a strong feeling that the medium of instruction should be Bengali in Educational Institutions and as far as the administration of the province is concerned. The language [to be] used in administering the province should also be Bengali. I am glad to find out that the Honourable the Leader of the House [Liaquat Ali Khan] has made it clear that there is no question of ousting Bengali from the province [of East Bengal] and I am sure that the overwhelming majority of the people [of East Bengal] are in favour of having Urdu as the State Language for the Pakistan State as a whole."

The untenable arguments and unfair characterization of "Bengali" by Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan and his anti-Bengali cohorts were challenged on the CAP floor only by the members of Hindu community. Those who wholeheartedly supported Dhirendranath Datta’s historic amendment and vehemently defended the rightful place of Bengali on February 25, 1948 were as follows: Prem Hari Barman, Bhupendra Kumar Datta and Sreesh Chandra Chattopadhyaya. [According to Badruddin Umar (1970, p.51), Rajkumar Chakravarty, the Secretary of the Congress Party in CAP also spoke in favor of Dhirendranath Datta’s amendment. However, this information is not reflected in the CAP proceedings that have been cited in Anisuzzaman (1994) and Minar Mansur (1996)].

Although only a limited number of opposition members were allowed to speak on the CAP floor in support of Bengali language on February 25, 1948, there is credible evidence to suggest that "all" members of the opposition party (Congress) in the CAP (all of whom were Hindu legislators) had endorsed Dhirendranath Datta’s motion for adopting Bengali as one of the "official" languages of the CAP. Unfortunately, not a single Muslim member of the CAP supported Dhirendranath Datta’s rightful amendment.

No Bengali Muslim member from East Bengal (not even "one") did lend any support to his seminal amendment on February 25, 1948. Since no Muslim legislators supported Dhirendranath Datta’s amendment, it is indeed ironic that the leaders of the most maligned and abused minority community of the then East Bengal had to volunteer to speak at the central legislature of Pakistan in defense of the mother tongue of all people of the then East Bengal.

The Rejection of Dhirendranath Datta’s Amendment and its Aftermath in East Bengal: The rejection of Dhirendranath Datta’s amendment had serious impact on the student community and intelligentsia of East Bengal: The irresponsible utterances of Liaquat Ali Khan, Khwaja Nazimuddin, and their anti-Bengali cohorts on the CAP floor on February 25 in favor of making Urdu as the ‘only’ State language of Pakistan did not at all go unchallenged in East Bengal. The pro-Bengali people of the then East Bengal were quick to lodge objections to the virulent criticisms of Dhirendranath Datta’s amendment.

On February 26, 1948, several mass protests took place in Dhaka under the leadership of student community. A large number of language protestors paraded through different streets of the city in a procession and gathered in a protest meeting at the Dhaka University campus. As noted by Badruddin Umar, this protest meeting was presided over by Professor Abul Kasem, the general secretary of the Tammuddun Majlish. Among others, the meeting was addressed by Naimuddin Ahmed, the convener of the newly formed East Pakistan Muslim Students’ League (EPMSL), Mohammad Toha, the Vice President of the Fazlul Huq Hall Students’ Union, and Professor Abul Kasem. While the speakers at the meeting had condemned the anti-Bengali stand of the non-Bengali Pakistani ruling elite, they vehemently protested Khwaja Nazimuddin’s pro-Urdu stand on the State language issue.

They also condemned the Muslim League members of the CAP from East Bengal for their opposition to Dhirendranath Datta’s amendment. The speakers, on behalf of the entire student community and progressive forces of the then East Bengal, had gratefully acknowledged a deep sense of gratitude to Dhirendranath Datta for courageously speaking out at the central legislature of Pakistan in favor of recognizing Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan (for details, Badruddin Umar (1970), Bhasha Andolon o Totkaleen Rajneeti, p. 61).

Although Dhirendranath Datta’s amendment did not receive the endorsement of the Muslim League dominated CAP, the student community of the then East Bengal made the determination to broaden and intensify their legitimate struggle for establishing Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan. In response to the discriminatory stand of the Punjabi-Mohajir dominated Pakistan Government against Bengali language and culture, the student community started building up an organized resistance movement with the professed goal of establishing Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan.

The restive language activists held an important meeting on 27 February 1948 at the Tamuddun Majlish office. Through open deliberations, the existing ‘Rashtra Bhasha Shangram Parishad’ (‘State Language Committee of Action’) was reconstituted with representatives from both the Tamuddun Majlish and the East Pakistan Muslim Students League. For instance, Mr Shamsul Alam, a resident student of Salimullah Muslim Hall and a common member of both Tamuddun Majlish and East Pakistan Muslim Students League, was made the Convenor of the revamped ‘Rashtra Bhasha Shangram Parishad.’ At that stage, the Bengali language movement gained further ferocity after the struggling student community found out that the amendment of Dhirendranath Datta which was debated on February 25, 1948 got formally rejected through a voice vote in the CAP on March 2, 1948.

In its meeting, held on March 2, 1948 at Fazlul Huq Muslim Hall, the ‘Rashtra Bhasha Shangram Parishad’ was further expanded through the inclusion of representatives from various socio-political organizations. Thus the ‘Shorbadolio Rashtra Bhasha Shangram Parishad’ (‘All-Party State Language Movement Action Committee’) was born on March 2, 1948 under the leadership of the students and progressive intelligentsia of East Bengal.

This action committee was much broader in scope and coverage than the first Rashtra Bhasha Shangram Parishad. It was also the deliberation of that important meeting to observe ‘protest day’ on March 11, 1948 by staging strike, meetings, and processions all over the province.

In his book, Jatiyo Rajneeti (3rd Edition, 1997, pp. 40-41), Oli Ahad (one of the core organizers of the 1948 phase of the Bengali language movement) notes that a press statement was issued by the top leaders of the Bengali language movement on March 3, 1948, and among other things, that press statement had underscored the following: "For some time past considerable agitation is going on to make Bengali (i) as the official language of East Pakistan, (ii) as one of the state languages of the central [government] Pakistan, and (iii) as one of languages of Pakistan Consembly (Constituent Assembly of Pakistan]. Bengali is the mother tongue of the two third population of the whole of Pakistan. It is a matter of shame that agitation has become necessary to establish this language in the life of the state...To record a protest against these, the East Pakistan Muslim Students League and Tamuddun Majlish have declared a general strike on Thursday, March 11 [1948]. We appeal to all political, cultural and educational institutions and all students and citizens, irrespective of caste and creed, of East Pakistan to observe this strike according to the programme of the Joint State Language Subcommittee peacefully and with discipline"(cited by Abdul Gafur in his recent article titled "The Historic Language Movement," The New Nation, February 21, 2002).

As planned, a province-wide strike was observed and pro-Bengali language demonstrations were staged on March 11, 1948. Instead of conceding to the legitimate demands of the language protestors, Chief Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin had ordered the law enforcing authorities to take stringent measures against the demonstrators.

A large demonstration was tear-gassed and stick-charged in Dhaka on March 11, 1948, and hundreds of language activists were arrested. Professional ruffians (goondas) were also let loose on the leaders and participants of the language demonstrations in Dhaka. For instance, Mohammad Toha, one of the top organizers of the language demonstrations (the then Vice President of Fazlul Huq Muslim Hall Students’ Union), was mercilessly beaten by those hired ruffians.

‘Hoolias’ (warrants of arrest) were also issued on fictitious and fabricated charges against the top leaders and activists of the language movement. Characterizing the Bengali language movement as the handiwork of the ‘fifth columnist,’ the Muslim League Government of East Bengal also started disseminating blatant falsehoods and slanderous distortions about the nature and intent of the language activists. According to Khwaja Nazimuddin, the anti-Bengali Chief Minister of then East Bengal, the Bengali language movement was essentially "motivated and guided by the enemies of Pakistan,"

Abdul Gafur, one of the veterans of the 1948 phase of the language movement, recalls about the magnitude of the anti-Government demonstrations that took place on March 11, 1948 in the following words: "The 11 March [1948] programme was a great success. Complete strike was observed in all educational institutions. Picketers had been active at different gates of the Secretariat since early morning. Among those who participated in picketing at the Secretariat gates were Shamsul Huq, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Oli Ahad, Kazi Golam Mahbub, Shaukat Ali etc. They all were arrested. Those who picketed in front of the High Court, were subjected to lathicharge by the Police. The lawyers in protest abstained from attending the Court for the day. About 14 picketers were arrested from the gate of the Ramna Post Office. Many others including Prof MA Quasem and Mohammad Toaha were injured during police action. On 11 March, 1948, workers and employees had played an important role. During that time Tamuddun Majlish had friendly relation with the workers and employees’ unions of rail, post and telecommunication sectors. Due to active resistance put up by East Pakistan Railway Employees League (EPREL) under the leadership of Messrs. Mahbubul Huq, MS Huq and MA Hai etc, very few trains could take start from Chittagong for Dhaka. The news of police action on picketers at Dhaka spread fast in and around the city of Dhaka. As a result, spontaneous protest processions started pouring into the area around the Secretariat. At about 2-30 PM a large protest meeting was held at the [Dhaka] University campus with Naimuddin Ahmad in the chair. At the end of the meeting, a big procession [had] rushed towards the Secretariat [Building] to protest against police atrocities. The whole Secretariat area was soon turned into a sea of processionists and many of whom were forced into the Secretariat breaking police cordon. Police action against them only brought more protest marches of the angry people. This situation continued for days on till 15 March [1948] when the Government was obliged to sign a pact with the Committee of Action accepting all of their demands. As the arrested leaders were released on 15 March [1948] as per conditions of the pact, the situation gradually cooled down" (Abdul Gafur, 2002).

In spite of the stringent repressive measures of the anti-Bengali Muslim League Government of East Bengal, the participants of the language demonstrations and rallies refused to be cowed down by brute forces. Nor were those dauntless defenders of Bengali language willing to be intimidated and blackmailed by the vilification campaign of the anti-Bengali Government of the then East Bengal.

Indeed, the fearless language protestors kept on pressing for the unconditional release of those who were indiscriminately arrested on various concocted charges. They also demanded for immediate withdrawal of cases of those who were deliberately implicated in numerous fictitious cases by the collusive law-enforcement authorities. The political situation was volatile and the pressure on the Government was so intense that the anti-Bengali Chief Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin was compelled to negotiate an agreement on the language issue with the mainstream leadership of the language movement. On March 15, 1948, a meeting was held between the leaders of the ‘All Party Language Movement Action Committee’ and Khwaja Nazimuddin, the Chief Minister of East Bengal.

Although Khwaja Nazimuddin, the Urdu-speaking Chief Minister of East Bengal, was not yet willing to lend his support to the basic demand of the language protestors by recognizing Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan, he had to concede in writing that "after my discussion with the principal leadership of the All Party Language Action Committee, I am deeply convinced that the language movement for demanding Bengali to be one of the State languages of Pakistan is not instigated by the enemies of Pakistan." Pursuant to the stipulations of this agreement, most of the arrested language demonstrators were released from jails, and some of the warrants of arrests were either kept on hold or rescinded. In view of the prevalence of anti-Bengali policies and strategies of both the Central and Provincial Governments in the early years of Pakistan, these concessions from a non-Bengali Chief Minister of the then East Pakistan were not at all insignificant.

This limited success of the student protests during early March 1948 against the anti-Bengali policy of Pakistan Government also generated a feeling of unity within East Bengal. In his book, Minority Politics in Bangladesh, Muhammad Ghulam Kabir succinctly summarizes the context of that time: "The language issue gathered velocity in East Bengal in early March 1948, when the students of Dacca University launched a movement for the recognition of the Bengali language as one of the state languages. …… The language disturbance compelled Khwaja Nazimuddin, premier of East Bengal, to sign an agreement with the students pledging the recognition of Bengali" (Kabir, 1980: p. 24).

M.A. Jinnah’s Visit to East Bengal: It was expected by the ruling party that the short-lived compromise between the then Chief Minister of East Bengal and the leaders of the Bengali language movement would subside student protests and create a conducive environment in East Bengal during the tour of the province by Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the Founding Father and the Governor General of Pakistan.

The student protests continued during and after Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s a weeklong visit to East Bengal in later part of March 1948. In fact, the language issue got rekindled right after Jinnah had declared Urdu to be adopted as the only State language of Pakistan. In a mammoth public meeting at the Race Course Maidan on March 21, 1948, he said: "the State language of Pakistan is going to be Urdu and no other language." He left no doubt about his anti-Bengali language policy when he had repeated almost the similar anti-Bengali message in his infamous Convocation Address at the University of Dhaka on March 24, 1948.

Among many other demeaning comments and insulting sermons, the then authoritarian Governor General of Pakistan said: "Make no mistake about it. There can be only One State language, if the component parts of the State are to march forward in unison, and that language, in my opinion, can only be Urdu." Jinnah’s categorical assertion in favor of Urdu was instantly protested by some of the students in attendance of the Convocation ceremony. Fresh student rallies and protests erupted immediately after the end of Jinnah’s a weeklong visit.

In fact, the language movement received wider support throughout the then East Bengal after Jinnah uttered those categorical assertions in favor of imposing Urdu as the only State language of Pakistan. (For details, see Badruddin Umar’s ‘Purba Banglar Bhasha Andolon O Totkaleen Rajneeti, 1970).

The Muslim League Government of East Bengal was once again compelled to enter into an agreement with the leaders of Rashtra Bhasha Shangram Parishad even though Khwaja Nazimuddin was known for breaking most of his promises. Mainly aimed at bluffing and pacifying the student community on the language issue, Khwaja Nazimuddin brought a proposal in the East Bengal Legislative Assembly (EBLA) on April 6, 1948 for making Bengali as the official language and medium of instruction in East Bengal.

However, a series of amendments (at least 27) to Khwaja Nazimuddin’s proposal were introduced by the members of both the treasury bench and the opposition (by that time, some of the Muslim Leaguers in the EBLA were willing to speak in support of making Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan). Of those proposed amendments, Dhirendranath Datta’s ones were of great significance. He carefully designed his amendments with an objective of having a resolution from EBLA to the CAP for adopting Bengali as one of the "State languages of Pakistan." Yet, Khwaja Nazimuddin refused to the passage of such a fair resolution in favor of Bengali. The majority of the Muslim Leaguers in EBLA did reject Dhirendranath Datta’s multiple amendments on that day. Finally, Khwaja Nazimuddin’s proposal with minor modification was adopted by the EBLA.

As pointed out by Muhammad Ghulam Kabir: "When the first session of the EBLA met on 15 March, 1948, Monoranjan Dhar, Pratap Chandra Guha Roy, and Nellie Sen Gupta expressed their support for the students and protested against their persecution by the police. Nazimuddin moved a resolution on 6 April, 1948, that Bengali should be adopted as the official language of the province rather than English. D.N. Dutta [Dhirendranath Datta] and other Hindu members put forward a number of amendments which recommended to the Constituent Assembly [of Pakistan] that Bengali be made one of the State languages of Pakistan" (Kabir, 1980: pp. 24-25).

Dhirendranath Datta as the Ardent Defender of the Bengali Language During the Interlude Years between mid-1948 and early 1952

The controversy over language issue had remained dormant between mid-1948 and 1951 due to the fact that the ruling elite of Pakistan was pre-occupied with other burning issues. For example, the influx of refugees to West Pakistan became a vexing problem for the ruling coterie of Pakistan. Having seen the rise of opposition political parties in the East Bengal political scene, the ruling Muslim League Government in East Bengal under Nurul Amin’s leadership started employing various forms of diversionary tactics for clinging to power. Certain changes in the political leadership of the new nation also had impact on the language issue.

The death of Mohammad Ali Jinnah on September 11, 1948 had delayed the full implementation of Urdu language policy throughout Pakistan. After Jinnah died, Khwaja Nazimuddin, the Urdu speaking Chief Minister of East Bengal, became the Governor General of Pakistan. His elevation to such a coveted position in power structure of Pakistan could be treated as the ultimate price for his life long collaboration with the non-Bengali and anti-Bengali coterie of the Muslim League. However, Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan, the Prime Minister of Pakistan, saw to it that the real executive power of the state was retained and exercised by him.

On the other hand, Khwaja Nazimuddin’s tenure as the Governor General of Pakistan was characterized by dismal failures, dwarfness, timidity, and vacillation. As a conserver, his sole motto was to survive in the power structure of Pakistani politics at any cost. Having himself dealt with the volatile and committed pro-Bengali language activists and demonstrators as the Chief Minister of East Bengal, Khwaja Nazimuddin was too weak either to revisit or deal with the language issue.

Therefore, he was in favor of maintaining a status quo, and instead of revisiting the language issue, he, in collusion with the anti-Bengali leaders of Pakistan, was also waiting for the right moment to declare Urdu as the "only’ State language Pakistan. In collaboration with the Punjabi-Mohajir dominated power elite of Pakistan, he stepped down from the position of Governor General to become the Prime Minister after the assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan in October 1951.

Although the ferocity of the Bengali language movement had relatively waned during the interlude years between mid-1948 and 1951, the relentlessness of the pursuit for establishing Bengali as one of Pakistan’s State languages had never completely stopped. There was a chorus of condemnation from the pro-Bengali language activists and other progressive forces of East Bengal when the so-called Basic Principles Committee Report (BPC) of 1950 "deliberately omitted" Bengali, the mother tongue of the majority of the people of Pakistan, as one of the State languages of Pakistan.

The progressive forces, including the concerned scholars and intelligentsia, of East Bengal had remained vigilant about the anti-Bengali policies and ploys of the Pakistani ruling coterie. The Government sponsored an evil proposal for Arabization of the Bengali script was effectively resisted in early 1949 by the pro-Bengali forces of East Bengal. At the East Pakistan Literary Conference held in Dhaka on December 31, 1948, Dr. Mohammad Shahidullah, one of the most celebrated linguistics of the then Indo-Pak subcontinent, provided the most succinct rebuttal to the indecent proposal of Arabization of Bengali script. In its Final Report, which was submitted on December 7, 1950, the East Bengal Language Committee (which was commissioned on March 9, 1949) under the Chairmanship of Maulana Muhammad Akram Khan, clearly rejected the absurd proposal of introducing Arabic script for writing Bengali.

The patriotic forces of East Bengal vociferously criticized the anti-Bengali policy of the Central Government of Pakistan when the same absurd proposal for the adoption of Arabic script for writing Bengali was revisited at the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan (CAP) in April 1950. As the ardent defender of Bengali language and culture, Dhirendranath Datta had vehemently opposed the most demeaning proposal of substituting Arabic script for Bengali alphabets. The students of Dhaka University had also remained very active in garnering mass support for establishing Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan.

At the initiative of the Youth League, a revamped "Dacca University State Language Action Committee" (DUSLAC) was formed in early 1951. Instead of banishing in oblivion or waiting in limbo, the DULSAC took a pro-active stand toward adopting Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan. Aimed at enlisting the support of the central legislature, a memorandum in favor of adopting Bengali as one of the State languages was circulated among the members of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan (CAP). Unfortunately, the anti-Bengali leaderships of the impotent central legislature of Pakistan were unwilling to accept Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan.

The anti-Bengali ruling coterie of Pakistan did push for substituting Arabic script for Bengali once again by re-introducing the same proposal in the CAP on March 27, 1951. Among a few other legislators from East Bengal, Dhirendranath Datta and Mohammad Habibullah Bahar (by that time some pro-government Muslim members of the CAP started speaking in favor of Bengali. Habibullah Bahar was one of such Muslim Leaguers) from East Bengal scathingly criticized the nefarious design of transforming the people of East Bengal into an inferior class of illiterate citizens of Pakistan by introducing an alien script for writing Bengali. Dhirendranath Datta strongly demanded the outright rejection of the discriminatory decision of introducing Arabic script in lieu of Bengali alphabets.

He urged the Government for immediately adopting Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan. He also underscored that he was ventilating the voices of all Bangalees of the then East Bengal when he demanded the rightful place of Bengali in the state affairs of the new nation of Pakistan. On March 27, 1951, Dhirendranath pointed out on the CAP floor: "I represent not only Hindus but also the Musalmans. I can tell you that the ordinary people will not understand the language (i.e. Arabic) that is sought to be introduced in Eastern Bengal. That policy shall have to be changed. I do not know whether the Government is aware of this fact that amongst the large sections of the people and especially among younger generation there is a demand made in a certain conference that the Bengali language should be made one of the State languages of Pakistan" (cited in Rangalal Sen, ’Political Elite in Bangladesh’, Dhaka; University Press Limited, 1986, p. 106).

Although a detailed discussion of the 1952 phase of the Bengali language movement is beyond the parameter of this commentary, suffice it to underscore that the irresponsible declaration by Khwaja Nazimuddin for adopting Urdu as the "only" State language of Pakistan had rekindled the fire of the historic phase of the Bengali language movement in February 1952.

As already noted in the beginning of this commentary, Khwaja Nazimuddin, the then Prime Minister of Pakistan, echoed what his political mentor M.A. Jinnah said in March 1948, "Urdu shall be the only State language of Pakistan," when he was addressing a public meeting at Paltan Maidan on January 26, 1952. His brazen speech in Paltan Maidan on January 26, 1952 in favor of Urdu can be singled out as the immediate cause of the 1952 phase of the Bengali Language movement.

Given the fact that the people of East Bengal were intimately familiar with the anti-Bangalee policy of the life long collaborator of the Punjabi and Mohajir dominated ruling coterie of Pakistan, the patriotic forces of the province were outraged--- and they valiantly responded. There were series of protests and demonstrations, and a new ‘All Parties State Language Action Committee’ was formed to provide a cohesive leadership to the language movement. An All-Party Convention was also held on January 30, 1952, and it was decided to observe a general strike throughout East Bengal on February 21, 1952. During the observance of the general strike on 21st February, 1952, the language protestors were killed by the police. A reign of terror was unleashed on the participants and supporters of the Bengali language movement.

In his seminal work titled Minority Politics in Bangladesh, Muhammad Ghulam Kabir noted the following important information: "Since the demand for Bengali was articulated in the CAP and EBLA by Hindu members, the ruling party [Muslim League] tried to create an impression in the public mind that the language movement had been inspired by the hostile Hindu leaders of India. Dawn (newspaper) even alleged that it [language movement that took place in early 1948] was due to the machinations of fifth columnists, in other words Hindus. The language issue became insignificant for a few years after this event, only to take serious turn in 1952 when the central ruling elite revived its attempt to impose Urdu as the sole State language of Pakistan. By that time the growing Muslim opposition in East Bengal was taking definite shape and political organization like the Awami [Muslim] League and the Youth League were gaining momentum and support. The famous February [1952] language movement, which compelled the government to recognize Bengali as one of the State languages [of Pakistan], was led by these growing Muslim opposition groups, and Hindu leaders had little connection with it. K.K. Dutta declared on the floor of the CAP [on April 10, 1952] that ‘the movement [Bengali language movement] was nurtured by the Muslims and it was carried on by the Muslim alone unaided by anyone from outside. Despite their non-involvement in the [1952] movement, Hindu members in EBLA made fiery speeches and supported the cause inside the Assembly. Monoranjan Dhar asked for an explanation from the Premier [of East Bengal] about the police firing on the students (on 21st February, 1952]. D.N. Dutta [Dhirendranath Datta], B.K. Das and Govinda Lal Banarjee also voiced the demands of the demonstrators for Bengali. Similarly, Hindu members of the CAP [including Dhirendranath Datta] strongly supported the motion of Nur Ahmed [on April 10, 1952], a Bengali Muslim, that Bengali along with Urdu should be made the State language of Pakistan’ (Kabir, 1980: pp. 25-26].

Conclusion

Dhirendranath Datta took an active part in favor of the Bengali language and culture both inside and outside the EBLA and CAP immediately before, during and after the pro-Bengali language protestors were shot dead on February 21, 1952 by the brute police at the behest of the Muslim League dominated Government of East Bengal. Doubtless, among all the genuine leaders of the 1948 phase of the Bengali Language Movement, Dhirendranath Datta’s role was pivotal in building up an organized resistance against those anti-Bengali forces who were deliberately engaged in repudiating the Bengali culture and language through the imposition of Urdu as the only "official" language of the nascent State Pakistan. It needs to be underscored that Dhirendranath Datta made history on February 25, 1948 by demanding Bengali to be recognized as one of the State languages of Pakistan even though his amendment was a proposal for adopting Bengali as one the official languages of the CAP. He had remained also vocal on the CAP floor against various anti-Bengali designs and policies of the Central Government of Pakistan.

Dhirendranath Datta moved an amendment at the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan (CAP) on February 25, 1948 for adopting "Bengali" as one of the official languages of the CAP. It is clearly evident from his speech that he also demanded for adopting Bengali as one of the "State" languages of Pakistan.

Instead of supporting his fair amendment for adopting Bengali as one of the official languages of the CAP, his proposal was quickly concocted by the Muslim League Government of Pakistan as an "anti-state" and "anti-Muslim" ploy for destroying the "Islamic" character of the Pakistan state. His patriotism and the loyalties of those limited number of the legislators who lent support to the amendment were being openly questioned on the CAP floor. Finally, the Muslim League dominated CAP quickly rejected Dhirendranath Datta’s historic amendment. Yet, it is now widely acknowledged that he had made history on February 25, 1948 by articulating and demanding the full recognition and immediate adoption of Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan.

Doubtless, Dhirendranath Datta spoke for all Bangalees of the then East Bengal when he forcefully yet respectfully demanded at the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan (CAP) on February 25, 1948 that Bengali should be accorded the status of one of the Sate languages of Pakistan. However, his amendment was consciously designed to accomplish much broader societal goals for the people of the then East Bengal. He was fully aware that his demand for making Bengali as one of the State languages might be deliberately misconstrued by the ruling coterie of Pakistan. Since he was from the minority community, he also knew that his "patriotism" would be under the scrutiny of Pakistani ruling elite. Standing on a high moral ground by any measure, Dhirendranath Datta took a courageous stand on the CAP floor by demanding a rightful place of Bengali language in the state affairs of Pakistan.

Dhirendranath Datta’s demand for adopting Bengali as one of the official languages of the new nation also exposed the hidden anti-Bengali design of the non-Bengali ruling coterie of Pakistan. His courageous step ignited the initial phase of the Bengali Language Movement in East Bengal. Notwithstanding the fact that the communally motivated ruling coterie of Pakistan had started disseminating blatant falsehoods and slanderous distortions about the legislators from the minority community, Dhirendranath Datta fearlessly continued pressing for his demand, both at the CAP and East Bengal Legislative Assembly (EBLA), in favor of making Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan.

Dhirendranath Datta was not murdered by the ‘retreating’ Pakistani occupation forces. His murder was planned ahead of time. He was not a random casualty of cross fire. Nor was he a victim of a mistaken identity. The Gestapo style abduction of Dhirendranath Datta (along with his youngest son Dilip Datta) by the brute Pakistani soldiers from his Comilla residence on the fateful night of March 28, 1971 and the cruel methods through which he was tortured to death lend credence to the fact that the collusive Pakistani ruling elite did not forget his pivotal role in the making of the Bengali language movement. His brutal elimination at the beginning of the Bangladesh’s liberation war was also designed to cripple the nation intellectually. His murder also made it obvious that the Pakistani military junta wanted to deprive the possible exile Bangladesh Government of his leadership during the liberation war.

Instead of just thinking morally and ethically, Dhirendranath Datta had acted morally and ethically by speaking in favor of saving the mother tongue of the majority people of the then Pakistan. His moral stand and action can be characterized as Aristotelian "ethics of virtue" as he did believe that the best way of developing "skills of virtue" was by practice.

As Aristotle put it a long time ago: "The virtues we get first by exercising them. …. For the things we have to learn before we can do them, we learn by doing them. … We become just by doing just acts, temperate by doing temperate acts, brave by doing brave acts." Dhirendranath Datta, a forerunner of the Bengali language movement, acted courageously, and he was willing to take any kind of risk in his valiant fight for rescuing his mother tongue from the cultural aggression of the repressive colonial ruling elite of Pakistan.

It is widely recognized that the historic Bengali language movement in all of its phases was one of the most defining moments of Bangladesh’s history, and the foundation of the language-based (Bhasha-Bhittik) nationalism that led to the emergence of today’s independent Bangladesh was clearly laid down during the formative phase of the Bengali language movement. The sacrifices of the language activists and language martyrs of that glorious movement did not go in vain. The lasting legacies of the Bengali language movement and the language martyrs have transcended the test of time. Indeed, Shaheed Dhirendranath Datta’s profile in courage and his sacrifices as a dauntless defender of Bengali language and culture will be remembered beyond the boundaries of time.

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[An abridged version of this paper titled "Martyr Dhirendranath Datta: Gleanings from the Life and Struggle of the Forgotten Harbinger of the Bengali Language Movement," was presented at the 36th Bengal Studies Conference, Irving, Texas, April 4-6, 2003.]

Last updated: June 2005