The Making of the Historic Six-Point Movement and its Impact on our Struggle for Freedom and Independence

M Waheeduzzaman Manik

The historic Six-Point Demand or Six-Point Movement has been widely credited as the ‘charter of freedom’ in the history of Bangalee’s struggle for freedom and independence from Pakistan’s colonial domination. Indeed, the Awami League-led six-point movement in 1966 was the turning point in our quest for greater autonomy and self-determination. It is fair to suggest that the six-point movement is a milestone in the history of our struggle for freedom and independence. Notwithstanding the most brutal and stringiest measures that were employed against the chief proponents, organizers and supporters of the six-point movement by the anti-Bengali leaders of the then Central Government of Pakistan and their cohorts and collaborators of the then East Pakistan Government at the behest of an infamous Governor, the six-point anchored mass upsurge in 1966 had seriously impacted and conditioned the subsequent political development in Pakistan. For example, the six-point movement for accruing maximum provincial autonomy had direct bearing on the making of the infamous Agartala conspiracy case, the student-mass movement of 1969, the withdrawal of the concocted Agartala conspiracy case and the unconditional release of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from imprisonment under tremendous public pressure, the removal of the infamous provincial Governor Monaem Khan, the sudden collapse of the Ayub Khan’s dictatorial regime and the rise of Yahya Khan’s diabolical regime, the General Election in 1970 on the basis of adult franchise, the landslide victory of the Awami League in the general election and the spectacular rise of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the sole spokesperson of the Bengali speaking people of the then Pakistan, the nine-month long liberation war in 1971, and finally the emergence of Bangladesh as an independent nation-state on December 16, 1971. Doubtless, these tumultuous events were milestones in the history of Bangladesh’s struggle for freedom and independence, and the name of the common thread that connected them was Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

The main purpose of this paper is to assess the nature and relevance of the six-point demand toward the making of a sustainable movement for maximum autonomy in the then eastern province of Pakistan. Once the main contents of six-point plan are summarized, the nature, magnitude, and impact of the six-point movement will be appraised. Aimed at substantiating and validating my own observations and generalizations about the impact of the six-point movement, some scholarly observations will be cited. Finally, some concluding remarks will be made on the relevance of the historic the six-point movement to Bangladesh’s ultimate struggle for freedom and independence.

Sheikh Mujib, the then General Secretary of the East Pakistan Awami League, had personally submitted the six-point program to the subject-matter committee of the All-Party Meeting of the opposition political parties of the then Pakistan in Lahore on February 5, 1966. Based on Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s “6-Point Formula: Our Right to Live” [March 23, 1966], the chief demands and themes of the historic six-point plan are being summarized as follows:

Point 1: “The Constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in its true sense on the basis of [1940] Lahore Resolution, and Parliamentary form of Government with supremacy of legislature directly elected on the basis of universal adult franchise.”

Point 2: The Federal Government of Pakistan “shall deal with only two subjects, viz.: defense and Foreign Affairs, and all other residuary subjects shall vest in the federating states.”

Point 3: “Two separate but freely convertible currencies for two wings [of Pakistan] should be introduced;” or if this is not feasible, there should be one currency for the whole country, but effective constitutional provisions should be introduced to stop the flight of capital from East to West Pakistan. Furthermore, a separate Banking Reserve should be established and separate fiscal and monetary policy to be adopted for East Pakistan.

Point 4: The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the “federating units and the Federal Centre will have no such power.” However, the Federation will be entitled to have a share in the state taxes to meet its expenditures. “The Consolidated Federal Fund shall come out of a levy of certain percentage of all state taxes.”

Point 5: There should be two separate accounts for the foreign exchange earnings of the two wings with clear assurance that “earnings of East Pakistan shall be under the control of East Pakistan Government and that of West Pakistan under the control of West Pakistan Government.” And the “foreign exchange requirements of the Federal Government [of Pakistan] should be met by the two wings equally or in a ratio to be fixed. The indigenous products should move free of duty between the two wings.” The Constitution should “empower the units [provinces] to establish trade and commercial relations with, set up trade missions in and enter into agreements with foreign countries.”

Point 6: East Pakistan should have a separate “militia” or “para-military” force.

Instead of endorsing Sheikh Mujib’s legitimate six-point-based demand for “maximum” provincial autonomy, the mainstream leaders of the so-called opposition parties for establishing democracy in Pakistan were not even willing to discuss the merits or demerits of the of the proposed six-point demands. In fact, no West Pakistani political leaders (not even Nawabzada Nasarullah Khan, the President of the then All-Pakistan Awami League) were willing to lend any support to Sheikh Mujib’s clarion call for maximum provincial autonomy based on the proposed six-point program. It is also really appalling to recapitulate even after the lapse of thirty-eight long years that the non-Awami League delegates to that historic conference from the then East Pakistan did not endorse the six-point demand. Like their West-Pakistani counterparts, East Pakistani renegades had also smelled an element of “secession” or “disintegration” of Pakistan in the six-point program. In fact, Sheikh Mujib’s six-point demand could not be pried out of the “subject-matter committee” of that so-called All-party conference. Rather, the proposed six-point anchored proposal for maximum provincial autonomy had received frontal attacks from the mainstream ruling elite of Pakistan. The veteran West Pakistani political stalwarts, in conjunction with their cohorts from the then East Pakistan, had started a slanderous propaganda campaign against Sheikh Mujib --- - the chief architect and proponent of the six-point charter. Most of those instant criticisms of the proposed six-point program were characterized by blatant falsehoods, conjectures, distortions, and innuendoes. Yet, Sheikh Mujib refused to be blackmailed or intimidated.

In a press conference at Lahore on February 10, 1966, Sheikh Mujib had pointed out the uselessness and irrelevance of the All-Party Conference. He had clearly articulated that the question of demanding genuine “provincial autonomy” based on the proposed six-point program should not be misconstrued or dismissed as “provincialism.” He underscored that the proposed six-point demand was not designed to harm the common people of West Pakistan. He had pointed out that the 17-day war between Pakistan and India (1965) made it crystal clear to the “East Pakistanis” that the defense of East Pakistan couldn’t be contingent upon the mercy or courtesy of West Pakistan. He reminded the audience that instead of relying on West Pakistan for its own defense-- a distant land located one thousand miles away, East Pakistan should be made self-sufficient for the purpose of defending itself from external aggression. He also made it abundantly clear that his six-point plan for “maximum” provincial autonomy reflected the long-standing demands of the people of East Pakistan.

On his return from Lahore to Dacca on February 11, 1966, Sheikh Mujib had provided further clarification on his six-point demands in a press conference. He explained why he had disassociated himself from the All-Party conference in Lahore. He had clearly stated that the delegates from East Pakistan Awami League (EPAL) had rejected not only the proposals passed by the All-Party Conference but also severed all ties with the disgruntled leaders of this so-called conference of the opposition parties. He said that it was not at all possible for him or his party to “betray the genuine interests” of the aggrieved and deprived people of East Pakistan. He emphasized that the immediate adoption and implementation of his six-point demand “will be conducive to foster durable relationship between two provinces of Pakistan.” In a press conference on February 14, 1966, Sheikh Mujib reiterated that the “the question of autonomy appears to be more important for East Pakistan after the 17-day war between Pakistan and India. The time is ripe for making East Pakistan self-sufficient in all respects.”

Sheikh Mujib had presented not only the bold proposal for “maximum autonomy” but he also launched a viable mass movement (which he himself led till he was put in jail on May 9, 1966) for popularizing and mobilizing support for the six-point program. After proposing his historic six-point program, he had actually invested all of his energies and resources in disseminating the fundamental message of “maximum autonomy” for East Pakistan. He started articulating both the rationale and justification for proposing “maximum provincial autonomy” based on his six-point plan. However, before launching a full-fledged mass movement for realizing his six-point demands, Sheikh Mujib had initiated some strategic intra-party measures. The Council Session of the East Pakistan Awami League (EPAL) met on March 18, 19, 20, 1966, and that council session had restructured the working Committee of the party. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Tajuddin Ahmed were unanimously elected the President and General Secretary respectively of the newly revamped Awami League. The proposed six-point program was also unanimously endorsed by that historic council session for realizing maximum provincial autonomy for the then East Pakistan.

To the dismay of Pakistan’s ruling coterie, the six-point program had generated a great deal of enthusiasm among the people of the then East Pakistan. As noted by Dr. Talukder Maniruzzaman: “To say that this [six-point] programme evoked tremendous enthusiasm among the people of East Bengal would be an understatement. Encouraged by overwhelming popular support, Sheikh Mujib convened a meeting of the AL Council [March 18-20, 1966] at which his [Six-Point] programme was unanimously approved and he was elected President of the [Awami League] party. With a phalanx of organizers from the Student’s League, Sheikh Mujib then launched a vigorous campaign. For about three months (from mid-February to mid-May), the urban centers of East Bengal seemed to be in the grip of a ‘mass revolution,’ prompting the Central Government to arrest Sheikh Mujib and his chief lieutenants (Tajuddin Ahmed, Khandokar Mustaq Ahmed, Mansoor Ali, Zahur Ahmed Chowdhury, and others) under the [infamous] Defense of Pakistan Rules and put down a complete general strike in Dacca (June 7, 1966) by killing 13 participating strikers” [Talukder Maniruzzaman, The Bangladesh Revolution and Its Aftermath, UPL, 1988. P. 25].

Sheikh Mujib’s demand for “maximum autonomy” based on his six-point formula seems to have shaken the foundation of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. In fact, the six-point plan had exposed the fact that the real intention of Pakistan’s ruling elite was to “strengthen” the Central Government but not “Pakistan.” Sheikh Mujib repeatedly said in several public meetings that that the people of Pakistan had always desired a “strong Pakistan,” not a “strong Central Government.” The entire ruling establishment of Pakistan was alarmed. Obviously, Sheikh Mujib, the chief proponent of six-point program, had become the main target of various virulent forms of harassment, intimidation and fraudulent cases.

Instead of equitably and fairly dealing with the legitimate grievances and demands of the neglected eastern province of Pakistan, the power elite of Pakistan took a deliberate decision to suppress Bangalees’ quest for maximum provincial autonomy through the use of colonial types of repressive methods and procedures. Aimed at browbeating the dedicated champions of greater provincial autonomy, Ayub Khan, the autocratic President of the then Islamic Republic of Pakistan, had started discrediting both the message and the messenger of the six-point program. Appearing in the final session of the Pakistan (Convention) Muslim League in Dacca on March 21, of course being fully attired in the army General’s khaki uniform with full display of all of his regalia and medallions, the self-declared President of the then Pakistan had condemned Sheikh Mujib’s six-point based plan for maximum autonomy in the harshest possible terms. He characterized the six-point plan as a demand for “greater sovereign Bengal” which would put the “Bengali Muslims” under the domination of “caste Hindus” of West Bengal. He compared the “prevailing situation” in Pakistan [as of March, 1966] with the volatile situation that existed in the USA before the outbreak of a prolonged civil war in early 1860s. He arrogated himself by saying that the nation might have to face a “civil war” if such were forced upon “him” by the “secessionists” and “disruptionists.” He had even threatened the “autonomists” and “secessionists” with “dire consequences” if they failed to shun the idea of six-point based maximum autonomy. Ayub Khan had the audacity to underscore that the “language of weapons” would be ruthlessly employed for exterminating the “secessionist elements from Pakistan.” Monaem Khan, the then infamous Governor of East Pakistan, had publicly stated that “as long as I remain Governor of this province, I would see to it that Sheikh Mujib remains in chains.”

Yet, a dauntless Sheikh Mujib was quick to retort to such vile accusations and threats. In a mammoth public gathering at Paltan Maidan, he thundered: “No amount of naked threats can desist the deprived Bangalees from realizing the goals of six-point demands.” Sheikh Mujib, the greatest champion of Bangalees’ rights for self-determination, along with top leaders of Awami League, kept on addressing numerous public meetings in the nooks and corners of the then East Pakistan. Without wasting a moment, the entire Awami League and the East Pakistan Students’ League (EPSL), its student front, were geared toward mobilizing and motivating the general masses in favor of demanding self-government and autonomy based on the six-point program.

The ruling coterie of Pakistan was not at all interested in dealing or negotiating with the Awami League on the issue of provincial autonomy even though Sheikh Mujib had publicly stated that he was willing to negotiate his six-point plan for maximum autonomy with anyone in good faith provided a meaningful autonomy is ensured for East Pakistan. Yet, the autocratic rulers of Pakistan started using repressive tactics to suppress the six-point movement. As noted by Dr. Md. Abdul Wadud Bhuyain, “the Ayub regime’s policy towards the six-point demand of the AL was one of total suppression. It showed once again that the [Ayub] regime failed to respond to the political demand” [Md. Abdul Wadud Bhuyain, Emergence of Bangladesh & Role of Awami League, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing, 1982, p. 104].

Indeed, the six-point movement had generated spontaneous mass enthusiasm throughout East Pakistan. The entire nation was galvanized throughout February-March-April-May-June, 1966. In retaliation, the Government had intensified its policy of repression and persecution against Sheikh Mujib and his followers. For example, while Sheikh Mujib was touring various districts in April 1966, he was arrested in almost all important places on flimsy and fraudulent charges. Dr. Anisuzzaman, a distinguished literary figure of Bangladesh, has summarized the nature of the repressive measures which Sheikh Mujib had to confront for starting and sustaining the historic six-point plan at a critical juncture of our history: “During that period [from the middle of February through May 9, 1966], there was hardly any place where Sheikh Mujib was not arrested [on false charges] for addressing public meetings to enlist mass support in favor of six-point program. Today in Jessore, tomorrow in Khulna, day after tomorrow in Rajshahi. And on the following days in Sylhet, Mymensingh, and Chittagong. Once he was released on bail in one place, he rushed to another place. He had no time to waste. The only time wasted was in the process of posting bail for his release. Arrested once again. Being released once again, and then immediately move to another place (to address the public meetings).” (Freehand translation is mine). [Anisuzzaman, “Bangabandhu in the Context of History,” in Mreetoonjoyee Mujib (Immortal Mujib), Dhaka; Bangabandhu Parishad, 1995, pp.11-12].

It was on June 7, 1966 when a full-blown hartal was observed in support of the six-point program throughout the urban centers of the then East Pakistan in defiance of various oppressive and repressive measures of the autocratic Government of Pakistan. People from walks of life had lent their spontaneous support to this hartal. Obviously, it was a mass response to governmental repressive measures since the middle of February 1966 when Awami League leader Sheikh Mujib had launched the historic six-point movement. Sheikh Mujib, the most volatile and articulate champion of “maximum autonomy” for the then East Pakistan was already put in jail on May 9, 1966. Several dozen men were shot dead during hartal on June 7, 1966. Hundreds of participants were injured. Thousands of Awami League leaders and student workers were put behind bars without any trials. Hulias (warrants of arrest) were issued on hundreds of Awami League workers and student leaders. The Daily Ittefaq, the most popular Bangla newspaper og then eastern province of Pakistan, was shut down, its press was confiscated, and its editor, Tofazzal Hossain (Manik Mia), was put in jail. Yet, the repressive police forces could not halt the march of the six-point anchored movement for achieving maximum autonomy.

In his seminal assessment of the role of the Awami League in the political development of Pakistan, Dr. M. Rashiduzzaman succinctly summarized the significance and impact of the six-point program: “The impact of the six-point demand of the Awami League was felt far and wide. The central government [of Pakistan] dubbed it as a demand for the separation of the Eastern Wing from the rest of the country, and launched a propaganda campaign, which called for a strong central government and decried the autonomists. On June 7, 1966, there was a province-wide hartal (strike) in East Pakistan sponsored by the Awami League to press the demands embodied in the six-point program. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, along with several lieutenants, were again put into the prison. [Sheikh Mujib was put in jail in early May, 1966]. The government also blamed ‘foreign interests’ in the agitation led by the six-pointers.. ----- After about a year, several East Pakistani civil servants and military officers were arrested on the charge that they had conspired to separate the East Wing by violent means in collusion with India. Eventually, the so-called ‘Agartala Conspiracy case’ was initiated against Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and 31 others for alleged high treason” (M. Rashiduzzaman,“The Awami League in the Political Development of Pakistan,” Asian Survey, Vol. 10, No. 7, JULY, 1970; pp. 574-587].

The imprisonment of Sheikh Mujib and other top Awami Leaguers in 1966 did not diminish the mass support for the six-point demand. In fact, Pakistan’s ruling elite’s policy of suppression of all forms of political freedoms and dissents had miserably failed to halt the march of the six-point movement for achieving maximum provincial autonomy. Rather, the many forms of governmental repression and the use of police violence against the organizers and participants of the six-point movement had prompted and motivated the general population of the then East Pakistan to render full support for Sheikh Mujib’s demand for maximum provincial autonomy.

About the impact of six-point program on 11-point charter of 1969 student-mass movement, Dr. Rashiduzzaman observed: “For all practical purposes, the eleven-point student program was an expanded version of the Awami League’s six- point demand for autonomy” (M. Rashiduzzaman,“The Awami League in the Political Development of Pakistan,” Asian Survey, Vol. 10, No. 7, JULY, 1970; pp. 574-587]. Dr. Talukder Maniruzzaman has noted the immediate impact of the governmental repressive measures during the six-point movement on Sheikh Mujib’s popularity in the following words: “As one might have expected, Sheikh Mujib’s arrest in 1966 only served to enhance his popularity, to the point where he became the veritable symbol of Bengali nationalism” [Talukder Maniruzzaman, The Bangladesh Revolution and Its Aftermath, UPL, 1988, p. 23].

The six-point movement had also far reaching effects on the subsequent political development in the then Pakistan. The origins of both the Agartala Conspiracy Case and the 1969 student-mass movement can be traced back to the six-point movement. At the behest of Ayub Khan, the Punjabi-Muhajir dominated Central Government of Pakistan had implicated Sheikh Mujib in the fraudulent Agartala Conspiracy Case. It is now apparent that such a vile conspiracy was hatched out against the most articulate champion of greater provincial autonomy to destroy Bangalees’ quest for autonomy and self-determination once and for all. Given the fact the Sheikh Mujib was the chief force behind launching a credible mass movement, Pakistan’s ruling elite wanted to hang him as a “traitor.” In other words, the Government of Pakistan wanted to eliminate Sheikh Mujib for the purpose of maintaining a status quo in the form of colonial rule in East Pakistan. In fact, the success of the six-point movement had prompted the arrogant and debased Pakistani regime to falsely implicate him in Agartala Conspiracy Case. However, an anti-Ayub mass movement in late 1968 and early 1969 led to the withdrawal of the so-called the Agartala Conspiracy case and unconditional release of Sheikh Mujib from imprisonment.

Sheikh Mujib was at best regarded as the top leader of the Awami League when he had launched the six-point movement in early 1966 for achieving “maximum autonomy” for East Pakistan. He was not yet regarded as the “undisputed leader” of all Bangalees of the then East Pakistan. Nor was he called ‘Bangabandhu’ in 1966. He was not the only political leader of the then East Pakistan who had championed the cause of full provincial autonomy. In fact, there were other top political leaders even within his party with impressive credentials and tested commitment to the pursuit of full autonomy for our people. There were also more senior political leaders in other parties, including Maulana Bhasani, the founder of the Awami League, who were quite vocal for accruing greater provincial autonomy for East Pakistan. Being disgusted with West Pakistan’s colonial domination and exploitation of East Pakistan, Maulana Bhasani had uttered “goodbye” to West Pakistan more than once --- at least a decade earlier than the historic six-point movement. In fact, Maulana Bhasani was never willing to compromise on the issue of full provincial autonomy for the then East Pakistan.

Yet, Sheikh Mujib’s fearlessness and relentlessness gave birth to the six-point movement for realizing full provincial autonomy in the early months of 1966. There is no doubt that his relentlessness in conceptualizing, starting, and sustaining a pragmatic Bengali nationalistic movement deliberately geared toward achieving maximum autonomy clearly distinguished him from other contemporary autonomists of the then East Pakistan. His “fearlessness” also made him the most volatile champion of “full provincial autonomy.” Only a courageous leader of Sheikh Mujib’s stature could come up with the six-point plan for accruing full autonomy for East Pakistan at a time when Ayub Khan’s brute regime was at its pinnacle after consolidating its grip over the entire power structure of the country.

There is no doubt that Sheikh Mujib would have remained a top Awami League leader even in the absence of a bold provincial autonomy plan in the form of the six-point program. Yet, had there been no six-point movement, there is every doubt if Agartala Conspiracy Case would have been hatched out against Sheikh Mujib at that particular time. Had there been no Agartala Conspiracy Case, the student-mass movement of 1969 would have not have exclusively focused on the release of Sheikh Mujib from imprisonment. Thus the six-point movement, Agartala conspiracy case and the 1969 student-mass movement had provided the much-needed ground and context for the emergence of Sheikh Mujib as Bangabandhu (Friend of Bengal). Subsequently, the Bangalees had vested their full trust in their Bangabandhu in the general election of 1970 that made this extraordinary man their legitimate sole spokesperson and undisputed leader. Indeed, it was Sheikh Mujib, the undisputed leader of his people, who had spearheaded our struggle for our independence. The timing for first presenting and then starting a sustainable nationalistic movement for realizing the professed goals of six-points was crucially important. The economic and political demands, as stipulated and enumerated under the six-point program, were the frontal assault on the foundation of Pakistan’s colonial and authoritarian modes of governance. Given the fact that the six-point demand had also reflected the legitimate grievances of the people of the then East Pakistan, the historic six-point movement had garnered spontaneous mass support throughout the province.